With the resumption of talks between the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and the Turkish government nearly a year ago, constitutional reform has emerged as a central issue on Ankara’s agenda. Although the specific articles under consideration have not yet been disclosed, both the Turkish authorities and PKK representatives have engaged in detailed discussions on the matter.
The Turkish government will not pursue amendments unilaterally or solely with its long-standing ally, the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP)—which has been in alliance with the Republican People’s Party (CHP) since 2011—but has also met with Kurdish and other opposition parties to seek broader consensus. This round of negotiations, buoyed by the presence of PKK deputies in parliament, is expected to grant the Kurds a more influential role in shaping the new charter.
In the most recent development, Parliamentary Speaker Numan Kurtulmuş held meetings with the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP), the CHP, and the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). At a post-meeting press conference, Kurtulmuş declared, “Ending the conflict must take precedence over partisan interests.” CHP leader Özgür Özal affirmed his party’s commitment to any parliamentary initiative aimed at securing a Turkey free from armed strife.
Political Parties’ Positions
Several opposition factions have criticized the AKP’s reform drive as a veiled attempt to entrench President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s grip on power by drafting a constitution that principally serves the ruling party’s interests. Mevsvet Dervisoğlu, head of the right-wing nationalist AKP faction, has so far declined to meet with the parliamentary speaker, accusing the AKP of using dialogue with Kurdish representatives as a means to prolong Erdoğan’s tenure. Similarly, the Future Party and the Progress and Democracy Party have voiced objections to the ruling coalition’s proposed amendments.
Distribution of Parliamentary Seats and Legislative Hurdles
Following the 2023 general elections, the 600-seat Turkish Grand National Assembly is composed as follows: the AKP holds 273 seats, the CHP 135, the Democrats’ Party 56, the MHP 47, and a second AKP listing 29 (likely the Peoples’ Democratic Party) alongside the Yeni Yol bloc—comprising the Future Party, the Progress and Democracy Party, and the Felicity Party—which commands 23 seats. Independents occupy eight seats, while other minor parties hold 13. Due to various circumstances, only 592 deputies are currently seated.
By law, any proposal to amend the constitution must secure the backing of at least 200 MPs to be tabled. Should the AKP and its MHP ally win three-quarters of a 400-member quorum, they could enact changes without a national referendum. With a combined total of 320 seats, the AKP–MHP alliance possesses the ability to introduce amendments but lacks the majority needed for passage. In such a scenario, the AKP’s support—despite being the third-largest party—becomes pivotal, potentially raising the bloc’s count to 376, still 23 votes shy of execution without wider backing.
Although the coalition may proceed to call a referendum if parliamentary approval is unattainable, the impending summer recess—beginning July 1 and lasting three months—will inevitably slow the reform timetable. Moreover, this iteration of talks underscores the AKP’s need to secure additional pledges, notably from the MHP and the Kurdish Voice Party (KVP), to realize a successful and durable amendment.
Voices from the Kurdish Side
Ahmet Turk—a notable northern Kurdistani politician and member of the İmralı delegation—has indicated his intention to reopen the constitutional debate in parliament come October, following the recess. While the proposed changes remain confidential and are negotiated behind closed doors, they serve two principal aims: first, to gauge the Turkish public’s readiness for Kurdish reconciliation—a prospect still tentative among nationalist constituencies—and second, to manage the process with a degree of secrecy until achieving a clearly defined outcome.
Notably, the draft amendments reportedly include revisions to penal statutes, potentially paving the way for the release of thousands of Kurdish political prisoners, among them Selahattin Demirtaş, the former co-chair of the HDP. Kurdish leaders and Turkish officials continue to deliberate the finer points discreetly, with no public communiqué to date.
Gülstan Kalç, a leading figure in the PKK, emphasized that the Kurdish delegation’s principal demand is the initiation of a new consensus process that acknowledges the will of all Turkey’s peoples. “At this juncture,” she asserted, “we will insist on equal rights and freedoms for every community across the country.” She further stressed that only through democratic channels—namely parliamentary deliberation—can the Kurdish question be resolved and democracy consolidated within Turkey.
A Historic Moment
For the first time in modern Turkish history, most political parties appear poised to reach an accord on constitutional reform. The collaborative posture adopted by the AKP and the MHP toward the PKK represents an unprecedented opportunity. It is widely anticipated that the forthcoming amendments will address Kurdish concerns and contribute to ending the longstanding armed conflict, thereby charting a path toward a more inclusive and stable Turkish polity.